Author: Cory

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Barnstorming the Midwest: Iowa City, Pt. 1

Following a week in Saint Paul and a scattered week between Ames, Iowa; Bloomington, Indiana; and Black River Falls, Wisconsin (the first two business, the latter pleasure); I packed my things for a few days in Iowa City, a brief interim trip to Grand Rapids (more on that coming), and another full week at the University of Iowa.

As such, I think this will post roughly in order of my bloggable trips, but if not, I did my best. I headed to Iowa as part of my summer research project funded by the Wisconsin Chapter of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America, in which I explore the emergence of female political candidates in the wake of the fight over the Equal Rights Amendment. The University of Iowa hosts the wonderful Iowa Women’s Archives, where Janet and the student staffers were incredibly accommodating of my forays into the 1982 gubernatorial candidacy of Des Moines lawyer and US Attorney for the Southern District of Iowa, Roxanne Conlin.

Conlin won the Democratic primary to face off against Lieutenant Governor Terry Branstad in the race to succeed popular outgoing governor Robert Ray, who led the state from 1968 to 1982. Long active in women’s rights initiatives, including the ERA, Iowa Women’s Political Caucus, and National Women’s Political Caucus, Conlin’s candidacy for governor was one of (even by modern standards) the most progressive candidacies in the entire 14-year sweep of my dissertation.

The Research

Collections:

Roxanne Conlin papers (99.99%)
John Culver (.01%, time permitting, which there was not this time)

Observations:

Taxes. It was taxes: Conlin’s admission in July 1982 that she and her husband paid nothing in state income tax during 1981–because of issues with their business and their exploitation of the state tax code–did more than anything else stated in the election to damage her chances of victory. She had polled competitively through the early months of the campaign, but the tax issue dug her a deep hole that she struggled to get out of until mid-October.

Her answer, later, was to propose a $300 million bonding plan for the state’s flagging infrastructure and farm economy. While Branstad and the Iowa GOP initially jumped to claims of its unconstitutionality, the issue allowed Conlin to climb back into the race. Her loss, 52.8-46.6%, was not entirely because of the taxation issue, but it dug her a deep hole and stunted moderate and independent support for her candidacy. It was the single-largest issue brought up in a set of August 1985 surveys in which Conlin’s campaign floated her name as a potential 1986 candidate for Attorney General or, once again, governor.[1]

The electability of female Democrats: From my time looking into Conlin, 1984 Minnesota candidate for U.S. Senate Joan Growe (stay tuned, again), and 1986 Wisconsin lieutenant governor candidate Sharon Metz, there is a(n unfortunately-)higher barrier to entry into politics for women–especially (sub)urban women–in the Democratic Party and perhaps the Republican Party as well (my work just deals more with liberalism, in this case). While Growe and Metz both grew up on farms and made that a central focus of their campaigns–that they understood and could legislate farm issues as the Farm Crisis reached its full throe–their “summers detassling corn” or “childhood on a farm” seemingly did not convince voters, particularly farm males, that they could effectively deal with agricultural policy.

This issue was even more pronounced with Conlin, who, as an urban lawyer, was attacked for being as far as possible from the farming issues relevant to a large percentage of Iowans, particularly in the state’s western half. While Conlin reached out to and won the support of unions in the eastern river towns, her gender may have played an issue with union men there as well. Regardless, for all her positive advocacy for women’s rights in Iowa and the United States–including a cringe-worthy 1978 debate with Phyllis Schlafly–Conlin was the first in a line of prominent Midwestern, female Democrats to fall in statewide elections. There’s more to study here.

Branstad (and Thompson and Janklow, oh my!): Remember when we talked about the populism of Bill Janklow in South Dakota? Well, imagine that but with a more consistently-conservative bent, and you’ve got Terry Branstad, the King of Iowa U.S. Ambassador to China. Branstad’s run to the middle after securing the Republican nomination (and a glowing endorsement from Ray) survived claims of loyalty to NCPAC money (again, see the Pierre entry under “Abdnor”) when he rejected outside money in the 1982 campaign. Branstad–still a young buck with a dark mustache–ran as a candidate of Iowan sensibilities, rejecting the progressive boat-rocking so many Iowans feared of Conlin.

I bring up Janklow and Wisconsin governor Tommy Thompson because, were it not for the term limits of South Dakota (again, more on that later), these three men would likely have very similar career trajectories. Both served more than two terms and effectively became their states’ politics, cementing control over state bureaucracy and crippling the local Democratic parties in each state with their ability to wield party power. There’s a comparison out there to be drawn.

Go to Iowa, learn about South Dakota: As part of Jon Lauck’s seemingly never-ending journey to make a South Dakota historian out of me, even in the papers of a self-described “liberal feminist” I came across new material for my ongoing chapter on South Dakota liberalism, 1980-1986. This week was material on Mike O’Connor (who I later met–stay tuned!), the 1982 Democratic candidate for governor in South Dakota. During the 1982 election cycle O’Connor proposed an OPEC-style cartel of grain-producing states around the Upper Midwest and Great Plains to control grain prices and boost the flagging family farm economy.

He lost to Bill Janklow. Badly. Despite his claims that “we have a governor who has vetoed major farm legislation and has done nothing in four years to address the problems of the state’s number one industry,” the Sioux Falls state legislator could not convince even 30% of voters to break with Janklow and vote Democrat.[2] But the trip reveals, yet again, a regional conversation among agriculturally-oriented Democrats that persisted through failed candidacies in the early 1980s. Once again, we can see the groundwork which built and the threads which connected Midwestern Democrats, both urban and rural.

I’d be remiss, though, if I didn’t mention this: You know how reporters ask stupid questions which lead Baylor players to explain things like getting rebounds? Well, it happens in politics, and Roxanne Conlin’s campaign apparently had enough at one point:

It’s worth noting that these were just prep answers for how she would handle the tax issue. But it’s a great window into just how frustrated the campaign was. Courtesy of Roxanne Conlin Papers, Iowa Women’s Archives, University of Iowa.

This was definitely worth a big chuckle in the archive.

The City

Lodging

Less exciting. I stayed with one of my little brother Ryan’s high school friends, as one of his roommates graciously gave me his room while I was out of town. Located about a mile from the archive, it made for a nice bike ride to the archive up and down the rolling hills of downtown.

Sightseeing

I was not nearly as adventurous in Iowa City as I’d been in Pierre. The road had gotten to me on both Monday nights, and travel concerns meant I did a lot of early-to-bed evenings along the way.

Biking the River: I was able to take a 10-mile ride from the guys’ place on Dodge Street down Sycamore Street, across to Terry Trueblood Recreation Area, and back up the Iowa River Trail to downtown, where I cut back up Burlington Street to the apartment. While I was bad this entire trip at taking pictures, I did take the cover photo over Sand Lake. I missed taking a really good sunset picture, though of The Cattleyard, a youth baseball field that is nested in against a cow pasture and calls to mind small-town baseball fields around the Upper Midwest.

Tuesday Trivia: I was biking back from a 7pm evening in the archives (on Tuesdays Iowa’s regular archive remains open until 7pm instead of 5pm) and saw Quinton’s, right in downtown Iowa City, which had a free trivia night. I stopped in for a beer (I’d spent 10.5 hours in the archive, sue me) and lucked into categories including “Baseball Movies” and “Friends trivia” (that’s just not fair). A too-bold wager coupled with the second-place squad’s conservative wagering meant that when we both missed the final question, I finished in second place. To be fair, though, a $20 bar tab was more than enough to cover my evening, and I didn’t need the encouragement to make the night any longer.

A Classy Wednesday: Agricultural History Society friend and Iowa lecturer Wayne Anderson had invited me to meet up with him for dinner when I was free. We met on Wednesday night at Clinton Street Social Club, just across the street from the Old Capitol, where whiskey was 30% off on Wednesday nights. Over Elmer T. Lee and a delicious cod dinner we chatted about research trips, sightseeing in Iowa City, and visions for the Midwestern History Association and AHS. It was a wonderful time catching up, exploring the future of our research into the Farm Crisis, and planning future panels and research projects. Thanks, Wayne!

The Beer

Like I intimated above, I did not do a great deal of beer-tasting or beer snobbery over these seven days in Iowa City. A number of friends have recommended and invited me various places, including Backpocket Brewing and nearby Kalona Brewing, though I had to decline this time. That’s why this is Part 1 of Iowa City, though!

The one beer that I tried early and came back to again later in the trip was Exile Brewing (Des Moines) Beatnik Sour. A Berliner Weisse, it packs a wicked, kettle sour-esque bite to it that I love in sour beer. I look forward to visiting Exile when I visit the Tom Harkin papers at Drake University this fall. The only other beer of note was Lion Bridge Brewing Company’s Centaurus IPA, which didn’t do a ton for me, but that’s in part because I think I’ve burnt myself out on IPAs for now.

The bit of bad news I’ll relay, per a few IC-area friends:

It’s a bummer to see a local brewery go out of business, though word on the street was that this wasn’t entirely unexpected. I’ll replace visiting IC Brewlabs with the Big Grove Brewing Company taproom just south of campus the next time I’m in town, though.

What’s Next?

In the grand scheme of my research trips, since I’m blogging a little behind here, my next blogged trip should be recaps of my trips to and presentations at the Working Class Studies Association Conference, Midwestern History Association Conference, and Agricultural History Society annual meeting. I think. Or maybe talking about Duluth. Or Sioux Falls. Stay tuned!

Past Trips

Pierre
Saint Cloud and Saint Paul

[1] V. Hale Starr, Kipling Williams, and Patricia Boddy, “Focus Group Study: Conlin for Attorney General,” August 23, 1985. Box 45, Roxanne Barton Conlin Papers, Iowa Women’s Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City.

[2] “Governor O’Connor ’82,” not dated. Box 66, Conlin Papers. A number of records and clippings from the O’Connor gubernatorial campaign can be found interspersed in Conlin’s papers, as the two were contemporary Democratic candidates for governor in their respective states.

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Barnstorming the Midwest: Bloomington, Indiana

Between my trips to Saints Paul and Cloud and Iowa City, I presented or participated at three conferences relevant to various aspects of my dissertation: the Working Class Studies Association Conference (Bloomington, IN); and the back-to-back Midwestern History Association Conference and Agricultural History Society Annual Meeting (Grand Rapids, MI).

Having realized halfway in how long this post would be if I recapped all three conferences, I’ll focus first on the WCSA. I left Ames, Iowa, at about 8pm CT after my day of research and writing on the National Family Farm Coalition was done, rolling into Bloomington around 9am ET the next day and taking in the conference before heading to Black River Falls for a weekend getaway.

The drive across Iowa is not my favorite, but there’s a grace to the rolling hills of eastern Iowa before it gives way to the rage-inducing monotony of non-metro Illinois and Indiana or, worse, the drive through Chicagoland. It gave me, however, plenty of time to think about the research I’d done, the work I would be presenting, and exactly what made up the Midwest.

Working Class Studies Association

Where: Indiana University, Bloomington, IN
When: May 31 – June 3
Paper Title: “’From Farmhouse to Townhouse’: Bridging Rural-Urban Divides among Democratic Voters in the 1980s Midwest”

I should note, first and foremost, that I was able to attend this conference thanks to a generous $250 award from the WCSA Young Scholars and Activists Fellowship. Thank you to Dr. Michele Fazio and the entire WCSA board for this immense honor.

Joining a panel on “Organizing the Working Class in the Upper Midwest,” I had the opportunity to present my research on how Midwestern politicians like Tom Daschle, Paul Wellstone, and even Russ Feingold bridged rural-urban divides in their Senate campaigns, positioning themselves as champions of the working class. I argued that this “economic progressive populism” brought together rural, suburban, and urban interests alike in a successful coalition while downplayed social issues in favor of working-class solidarities. A brief feature from each politician:

  • South Dakota, 1986: Tom Daschle’s “Farmhouse to Townhouse” program (at its zenith in 1983-4) was designed to foster conversations between South Dakota farmers and urban congressmen around the nation, who were seen as the largest opponents of farm legislation. This resulted, during the peak of South Dakota Farm Crisis activism, in congressmen from urban California and Detroit visiting various cities in northeastern South Dakota for Daschle’s listening sessions with farmers.
  • Minnesota, 1990: Paul Wellstone remains the icon of progressivism in Minnesota, and that began not with his 1990 campaign but with his nearly two decades of reaching out to rural interest groups from miners on the Iron Range to packers at the Austin Hormel plant to dispossessed farmers in Groundswell, a rural advocacy group. Most notably, Wellstone articulated a need for understanding between those groups and more traditional “urban” voters in the Twin Cities and actually facilitated meetings between all four groups.
  • Wisconsin, 1992: Russ Feingold ran a “Wellstone Lite” campaign in 1992, running goofy TV spots in which he proclaimed there were “no skeletons in [his] closet” as he literally opened his home closet. The Middleton (Madison-area) legislator wrote his campaign pledges on his garage, fought for dairy regulations to defend farmers in southeastern Wisconsin, and built a coalition beyond just Madison and Milwaukee–which were becoming increasingly isolated in Wisconsin politics. I compared Feingold’s 1992 run to his 2010 run: the decrease in his share of the rural vote across western Wisconsin was stunning. But it’s a good reminder that at one point, Midwestern Democrats commanded coalitions of the working class that stretched across the rural-urban-suburban divide.

Because one of the three papers on our panel dropped unexpectedly, it was just me and Mara Fridell, a professor of sociology at the University of Manitoba. After learning that she was from Red Wing, MN (just an hour and a half down the Mississippi from Inver Grove Heights), I was even more stunned when I learned that we were born at the same hospital (albeit a few years apart)! Her paper titled “Working Class Solidarity: Immigration to the Midwest, Internationalism, and the Red-Green Politics of Midwestern Foresters in the Early 20th Century.” Exploring the ecosocialism of the Iron Range labor unions, especially in forestry, Dr. Fridell made a convincing case for the internationalism–rather than the insularity or nativism–of rural Minnesota, where labor solidarity syncretized Native traditions with socialist principles and ethnic identities. It was a fascinating paper and one which forces me to consider how I historicize the Iron Range into the 1970s.

Moreover, a question from the audience prompted me to continue to think about where race entered the conversation in places like Minnesota and Wisconsin. Were African-Americans part of the “working class,” or did they effectively constitute an “underclass” in society, taken for granted by politicians? My research into Vel Phillips’ papers at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee implies that African-Americans in Milwaukee voted Democrat reliably but not overwhelmingly, rarely inspired to participate in state politics. That thesis needs a lot of work, though.

My favorite part of the conference, though, was Brown sociologist Josh Pacewicz’s keynote address on “Trumpism before Trump: Rust Belt Populism during the 2008 and 2012 Elections.” Dr. Pacewicz highlighted the decline of political institutions like labor unions and city government in two cities in Iowa, arguing that the decentralization of political authority (and, indeed, groups’ desire to be “outside” politics) laid the groundwork for the conditions which made Iowa ripe for Trumpian populism. A couple rambling questions from the audience aside, it was an incredibly insightful and thought-provoking argument which I hope to better historicize in my research on the Midwest.

The Beer

The big brewery to check out in Bloomington is Upland, just on the north end of town. While I wasn’t able to make it there, I had their wheat ale, which was a fine if unspectacular wheat that wanted for some citrus or something to add a little taste. I also managed to track down their Ship Hop Hooray kolsch, which was light and drinkable; definitely top 10 kolsch beers I’ve had. Best of all, though, the wheat ale came in one of these cool mason jars featuring the old buffalo mascot for the Hoosiers:

Perhaps this is the answer to the question of what a Hoosier is.

There was also a jersey with a patch commemorating Indiana’s appearance in the 1993 Poulan/WeedEater Independence Bowl (they lost 45-20 to Virginia Tech), which I took a picture of just because it’s Indiana in a bowl game:

Behind a display case at Nick’s English Hut, home to a great deal of IU memorabilia. No, I did not “sink the biz.”

While waiting for my hotel check-in time, though, I did walk downstairs to Function Brewing, right in the heart of downtown. Their math-themed offerings paired with a gourmet-looking menu which had people coming in right when they opened at 3pm, and I settled on a flight: their Row Red Rye ale, Kite Farmhouse Ale, Reflection American IPA, and Theorem Milk Stout. While the Reflection didn’t do a ton for me (I don’t know the last time I’ve had a truly good IPA), the other three had unique flavors which I really enjoyed. The Row had notes of orange peel, which added a citrus flavor to the maltiness of the red, the Kite had the nice spiciness emblematic of a complex farmhouse, and the Theorem was just a quality sweet offering. Give them a look when you’re in town!

My last stop was The Tap, a beer bar and brewpub in downtown Bloomington. Their Bluebeard Berliner Weisse tasted every bit the sour blueberry it was supposed to, but best of all, for me, was their Witch Finger black IPA. I love a nice blend of malt and hops, and it obliged.

What’s Next

After a brief trip to Black River Falls for a weekend celebrating my friend Kyle’s impending wedding, I’m off to Iowa City for a four-day research trip to look in-depth into the papers of Roxanne Conlin.

Past Trips

Pierre
Saint Cloud and Saint Paul

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Barnstorming the Midwest: Saints Paul and…Cloud?

I needed a little break after a week of camping in Pierre, so a little time spent among familiar papers in the Twin Cities–those of Saint Paul Mayor George Latimer–seemed just fine by me. Of course, given that the Minnesota Historical Society is closed on Monday, I decided to head up to a collection that had always intrigued me, the papers of Gene Wenstrom, perennial Seventh District congressional candidate in the early 1980s.

Challenging incumbent Independent-Republican Arlan Stangeland, who won the vacated congressional seat of Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland in 1977, Wenstrom ran unsuccessfully three times, but lost each time by frustratingly close-yet-far margins. Apparently, though, according to Saint Cloud State University archivist Tom Steman, these papers have not been (or rarely been) accessed. Given the funding issues facing Minnesota system schools, I was lucky to visit SCSU on a day where they were open and able to help me. Tom was incredibly accommodating, and I truly hope they’re eventually able to get a little more of the funding they need to accession and acquire the political papers of still-relevant political figures in northern Minnesota politics.

After a Monday going through Wenstrom’s papers, I turned my attention towards Latimer, who led Saint Paul from 1976 to 1990 and ran an ill-fated campaign against incumbent governor Rudy Perpich in the 1986 Democratic-Farmer-Labor (DFL) primary. As a heads-up, George Latimer is an incredibly important figure in the social and political history of urban Saint Paul. The imposing, friendly, bearded mayor became an icon in both the city and state politics and built the foundations for modern Saint Paul. Unfortunately, my treatment of him here focuses on his engagement with the DFL in statewide elections, not his work for the city. That’s something I assure you I’ve paid attention to, but it’s not addressed here.

The Research

Collections:

Gene Wenstrom Papers (18%)
Central Minnesota Legislators’ Oral Histories (2%)
George Latimer Papers (80%)

Observations:

Setting the stage for Collin: Wenstrom, a teacher-turned-legislator from Elbow Lake, Minnesota, went from representing Minnesota District 11A as a DFLer to challenging Arlan Stangeland for the Minnesota 7th District seat in 1978, 1980, and 1982. Running “on the issues” that Stangeland “ducked a challenge for a debate, voted against disaster aid for farmers and small business, and…continued his steady course of voting for and supporting legislation to aid big oil and the special interests,” Wenstrom’s positions look eerily similar to those of current 7th District Rep. Collin Peterson (DFL), who lost by a smaller margin to Stangeland in 1984 and a recount-worthy margin in 1986 before unseating him in 1980.[1]

Keeping with Peterson’s modern-day criticisms of the Democratic Party for falling out of touch with rural Democrats from traditionally-conservative districts, Wenstrom suffered from a disconnect with Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee chair Tony Coelho (D-CA). He sent a clearly-frustrated letter to Coelho in July 1982, noting that “for three months I have been trying to get your committee to make a contribution to my campaign, each time I’ve been told well perhaps in late July or August and lately now September.”[2] Eventually Wenstrom sent Bruce Vento (DFL-MN4, Saint Paul) to shake down Coelho on the House floor, but the lack of support has become a consistent theme from Minnesota’s Seventh, which has been reliably DFL since 1990.

As Wenstrom and Peterson supporters had clashed ahead of primaries in 1982 over whether it was Gene or Collin’s turn to run against Stangeland, we’re seeing familiarity breed a little contempt between supporters of two rather similar candidates. In a hypothetical world, I’d bet that if Wenstrom ran in 1990 he’d have won. Either way, we see the basis of support for a conservative Democrat from the Minnesota Seventh in Wenstrom and more generally in the oral histories of local legislators that the CMNHS was so kind to help me access.

Rural-Urban-Range politics: As soon as Latimer won yet another election as mayor of Saint Paul in 1985, talk heated up about his potential intention to run for governor in 1986. [Teaser: Don’t believe the “Aw, shucks” image given off by the Latimer campaign. His ambitions as early as the 1984 DNC were to run for governor.] The Saint Paul Pioneer Press‘ John Camp opined that “if Latimer held Perpich victory margin on the Range to only 2-1…,” he “would have to match Spannaus’ strength in Minneapolis and St. Paul” and “devise a farm program with potential to help the agricultural segment of the state.”[3]

That was, however, easier said than done. While Perpich was presumably vulnerable in both the Metro and downstate Minnesota, his campaign made a concentrated effort to run stronger in the Metro in 1986, touting his business record and the state’s improving urban economy. While he was initially hurt by sending the National Guard on striking Hormel meatpackers in the 1985-86 strike, Perpich rebounded and used his business-friendly image to build a coalition that only lost three counties–Ramsey (home to St. Paul), Washington (immediately east), and Dakota (immediately south and my home country)–to Latimer, notably eking past him in Hennepin (home to Minneapolis). Further compounding issues were Latimer’s selection of Minneapolis First Lady Arvonne Fraser (wife of Mayor and 1978 U.S. Senate primary candidate Don) as his running mate. Having been turned down by Duluth mayoral candidate Shirley Swain, who surely would have added Iron Range credibility to Latimer’s candidacy, he settled on Arvonne as a means of exciting progressive turnout in the Twin Cities to offset Perpich’s support on the Range. That…backfired.

It was a coup for the governor supposedly only backed by the northeast Iron Range to run that well across the state, and it both demonstrated Perpich’s surprising ability to build a statewide coalition and destroyed Latimer’s statewide political career. While it was to the eternal benefit of Saint Paul’s racial, political, and business climate (Latimer truly bridged all sections of the capital city, though critics by 1990 contended he was operating as a wannabe urban boss) that Latimer remained mayor, the DFL’s Metro elites’ insistence that Latimer run likely cut short another promising DFLer’s statewide career.

Taking turns in the DFL: This had first played itself out in the 1982 DFL primary (and I’ll address it below), but George Latimer seemed to be the victim of an unfortunate tendency in the DFL hierarchy to dub a political figure–often from the Metro–the heir apparent to the governorship.

In any regard, I couldn’t help but feel a twinge of sympathy for Latimer, followed by intense annoyance at the DFL’s apparent desire to guide the gubernatorial nomination to whoever “deserved” it. Especially in the “Age of Reagan” (to use the historiographic parlance), social conservatives and “budget hawks” alike were given to intense suspicion of the “tax-and-spend liberals” of the urban Metro.

What to make of Rudy?: This leads, almost directly, into the buzzsaw that was Governor Rudy Perpich. The goofy Croatian dentist from the Iron Range confounded partisan loyalties in Minnesota politics for the better part of a decade, returning from work for Control Data Corporation in Vienna to challenge and defeat party-endorsed Warren Spannaus in 1982, then ride roughshod over Latimer in the 1986 DFL primary.

Here’s the thing: No one’s all that confident Perpich was that liberal…but he sure wasn’t conservative, either. The business-friendly governor, who feuded publicly with South Dakota Gov. Bill Janklow and undertook everything from the Mall of America to an Iron Range amusement park and Northwoods cheese factory, was not popular with the elite of either party–but he was popular enough with Minnesotans to cruise to consecutive victories before extending himself too far in running again in 1990.

While I contend–so far–that Perpich is a primary reason DFLers have remained prominent in outstate areas given to the conservative turn in Iowa and Wisconsin, he also stunted the “take turns” approach of Minnesota DFLers, riding past the candidacies of Spannaus, Latimer, and Mike Hatch (all Metro-area candidates, it’s worth noting) and leaving the top of the party ticket vulnerable to a fiscally-conservative but socially-meh Independent-Republican.

Someday we’ll talk about Arne Carlson, Tim Penny, Dean Barkley, and Tom Horner. Someday.

The City

Lodging

Home. Inver Grove Heights. More comfortable than having half a tent blow in on me.

Sightseeing

I’m writing this nearly a month later, and as I have trouble remembering what I had for breakfast, I can assure you that what I did this week while I was staying at home did not stick in my head. Sorry to anyone I’ve wronged.

The Beer

Of course, as I say that, I do remember heading with my fiance Laura to a couple of breweries in Minneapolis for some occasion, though I don’t remember what.

Herkimer: Part of the Lynlake neighborhood just east of Uptown Minneapolis, Herkimer Pub and Brewery is a quality restaurant, bar, brewery, and nightlife spot (immediately adjacent to the best trivia in MSP at the Uptown VFW–go Roaming Herd of Cows). Having finished a long-distance run earlier that morning as part of her prep for Grandma’s Marathon, Laura opted for the lower-ABV Tooler’s Weiss, a solid weissbier, while I opted for a Schwarz. Both were just fine, and we enjoyed a sunny afternoon playing bags on the patio.

Utepils: Located just west of the Minneapolis Farmers’ Market, Utepils was a large but very wonderful detour on a day in which–HANG ON, I REMEMBERED. We went to Lake Hiawatha because emerald ash borers prompted Minneapolis to cut down a bunch of trees and repurpose some. They made a few into cribbage boards, so Laura and I stopped by and played life-size cribbage (I won):

A tree felled by Minneapolis Parks staff was turned into a cribbage board for the public to use. This one is located on the eastern shore of Lake Hiawatha in South Minneapolis.

Anyways, Utepils. Big industrial space located over the tracks in Bryn Mawr, pushed right up against a park’s grove of trees to the west of the brewery and tucked away in a way that made it both urban and secluded all at once. I tried the Alt 1848, a sweet, malty altbier, which was just fine, but Laura’s choice–Ewald the Golden, a hefeweizen–was easily the winner in my book. Crisp and citrusy, that’s a summer beer I can get behind.

Bald Man Brewing: Located in an office park along MN-13 in Eagan, Bald Man has a rock-themed lineup of beers ranging from their flagship Tupelo Honey Brown to the Killer Queen IIPA. Their brown has a nice smoky, almost tobacco-y, flavor to it, while the Honey Hush Kolsch had a light sweetness to it. I’m not sure if this is really what I’m supposed to be looking for in a kolsch–after all, the lagering process is supposed to get rid of some of the beer’s sweetness–but it worked for me. Check them out if you’re headed down to the outlets in Eagan or merely want to try a new, interesting suburban brewery.

Saint Cloud? Hopefully next time I’ll take more than a day trip to Saint Cloud and have the chance to check out a local brewery or two. We’ll see what’s emerged up north that’s not Third Street Brewhouse (still an excellent option…Hunny-Do is a great summer beer).

What’s Next?

I followed up Saints Cloud and Paul with a whirlwind swing through Ames, Iowa (1 day); Bloomington, Indiana (2.5 days); Black River Falls, Wisconsin (2.5 days); Iowa City (2 days); Grand Rapids, Michigan (5 days); home (1 day); Iowa City (4 days); Duluth (2.5 days); and Sioux Falls (.5 day). I’ll be blogging about Iowa City, then Bloomington and Grand Rapids (conferences, both), then Duluth and Sioux Falls. I think. We’ll see.

Past Trips

Pierre

[1] “Wenstrom Newsletter, Vol. 2,” Box 1, Folder 6 (2), Gene Wenstrom Papers. Central Minnesota Historical Collection, St. Cloud State University Archives, St. Cloud, Minnesota; election results accessed by year at “Minnesota Elections: Dates and Vote Totals,” Minnesota Legislative Reference Library, https://www.leg.state.mn.us/lrl/mngov/electionresults.

[2] Wenstrom to Coelho, July 8, 1982, Box 3, Folder 4, Wenstrom Papers.

[3] John Camp, “Latimer’s chances add up,” Saint Paul Pioneer Press, January 30, 1986.

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Rural Democrats? Don’t call it a comeback.

The 2016 elections, in addition to making what I am trying to get a PhD in about 100x more relevant than I ever could have done myself, have also led to a very, very obnoxious trend among national political outlets: a newfound fascination with rural or agriculturally-oriented Democratic interests, groups, and politicians.

Take, for example, the Washington Post‘s breathless exploration in November 2016 of “Why rural voters don’t vote Democratic anymore,” in which they suddenly rediscover Collin Peterson (DFL-MN7). In the article, Peterson notes that

Donald Trump owes his victory to rural voters who feel they’ve been abandoned by a Democratic Party that has become increasingly urban and liberal.

and that

We have become a party of assembling all these different groups, the women’s caucus and the black caucus and the Hispanic caucus and the lesbian-gay-transgender caucus and so forth, and that doesn’t relate to people out in rural America. The party’s become an urban party, and they don’t get rural America. They don’t get agriculture.

While not nearly offensive as the New York Times’ ridiculous exhortation to “Go Midwest, Young Hipster,” it is incredible to finally read a profile of Peterson, who was first elected to Congress when I was one month old.

Now, just this morning, rural interests in the Democratic Party have caught Politico‘s eye. Looking ahead to Tammy Baldwin’s 2018 reelection defense, not only the media but, inexplicably, the Wisconsin Democratic Party itself appears caught off guard by the fact that there’s a rural interest it needs to pay attention to:

The Wisconsin Democratic Party has already hired five outreach coordinators specifically focused on rural counties, ahead of Baldwin’s first reelection run and the 2018 gubernatorial race in the state.

Amusingly, I spent a few hours over 2 days at the Midwestern History Assocation Conference and Agricultural History Society meeting in Grand Rapids talking about this exact thing! There is suddenly renewed interest among national commentators in the rural (and especially Midwestern) Democrat, yet U.S. Representatives like Tim Johnson (D-SD), Dave Obey (D-WI), Tim Penny (then*-DFL-MN), Kent Conrad (DNPL-ND), Neal Smith (D-Iowa), and others, along with U.S. Senators like Tom Daschle (D-SD), Byron Dorgan (D-ND), Tom Harkin (D-IA), and to a lesser extent Paul Wellstone (DFL-MN) made up a not-unsubstantial part of the Democratic Party from the Midwest during the 1980s, 90s, and 00s.

Suddenly, politicians and (more damningly) the Democratic Party is suddenly realizing it needs to pay attention to rural interests; that it’s not enough to let candidates go it alone. Hence a suddenly-renewed interest in national investment in rural Democrats.

We’ll see if this is enough to reverse two and a half decades of, at best, lukewarm attention to farm policy and rural interests among national Democrats — but publications from Politico to the Washington Post would do well to stop treating this issue or politicians like Collin Peterson (to say nothing of Tim Walz, a 2018 candidate for Minnesota governor) as oddities or bygone phenomena.

Now, there are issues here. Certainly no Democrat or activist would want to see the groups Peterson lists (women, African-Americans, LGBTQ+, to name a few) take a diminshed role in the party or be steamrolled by rural (read: white, Christian, heterosexual, etc) interests. Moreover, the issue of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and historic role of NAFTA that Peterson notes are issues that the Democratic Party–and, looking ahead to a relevant 2018 gubernatorial race, the DFL (I might start doing that more often)–needs to address. As 2016 laid all too bare, there are a number of endemic weaknesses in the national and state Democratic parties that have weakened their ability to run effective and winning campaigns in rural areas. Moreover, issues of gerrymandering increase barriers to Democrats making inroads with rural interests because fewer of them fall in competitive districts (breaking both ways! Ron Kind, in Wisconsin’s rural/exurban 3rd District, didn’t get a Republican challenger in his 2016 reelection bid).

But let’s not pretend this is a new phenomenon which we have no recent historical frame of reference to understand. Don’t call it a comeback, rural Dems been here for years.

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Diverging Democrats: Minnesota and Wisconsin in the Farm Crisis Election

From Lawrence R. Jacobs’ “Right vs. Left in the Midwest,” New York Times, 23 Nov. 2013. Accessed at http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/24/opinion/sunday/right-vs-left-in-the-midwest.html.

Key Points:

(1) differences in strength of legislative affiliation between rural activist groups and urban legislators, and

(2) better development of a language of economic progressive populism which more effectively—though not completely—bridged the rural-urban divide in Minnesota.

Farmer’s Rally, State Capital, St. Paul, Minnesota, from the “Farm Families” project. Arndt, Thomas Frederick January 1985

1986 Wisconsin Lt. Gov and US Senate Primary

Comparing Minnesota and Wisconsin in 1986

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Down-Ballot Elections in the Midwest, 2016

The following are excerpts from a larger panel titled “The New Midwestern Politics? The 2016 Election and Beyond” at the 2017 Midwestern History Association Conference, hosted at Grand Valley State University’s Pew Campus in Grand Rapids, MI, and hosted by the Ralph Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies. Feel free to contact me with questions about the maps, findings, or methodology.
CH

Continue reading “Down-Ballot Elections in the Midwest, 2016”

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Barnstorming: Pierre, South Dakota

Alternatively titled: Keeping Up A-Pierre-ances

Having just returned from a brief trip to Dallas, I was in Minnesota long enough to do some laundry, spend a half-hour with my mom on Mother’s Day, get a few camping supplies, pack up the car, and catch four hours of sleep before I left for Pierre at 5am on Monday the 15th. The drive across western Minnesota and South Dakota was not nearly as painful as I made it out to be, aided in part by the beauty of the Minnesota River Valley and the excitement of a detour around Watertown which led to a necessary pit stop in Goodwin, SD (population: 146), at their lovely town park’s outhouse.

As I lacked the time to stop by my campsite and decompress (it was already 12pm as I rolled into Pierre), I drove straight up to their beautiful Cultural Heritage Center, which looks like none other in the Midwest:

The Research

Collections:

Abdnor Papers
Office of the Governor Papers, Harvey Wollman
Democratic Forum

Observations:

Abdnor in 1980 vs. 1986: Thumping incumbent and prairie populist paragon (I couldn’t resist) George McGovern by nearly 20 points in 1980, Abdnor joined the ranks of first-term senators signaling the Reagan Revolution across the heartland and America writ large. That ability to strike against the established, career record of McGovern–especially on his “national liberalism”–was coupled with a ton of PAC money targeting Abdnor and five other “vulnerable” senators (Gaylord Nelson and Birch Bayh among them) for defeat. By the time McGovern went on the offensive and attacked Abdnor’s record while defending his own, the damage was long done.

In 1986, though, South Dakota’s at-large representative Tom Daschle had a running start in decrying the outside money pouring into the state (though naturally he’d accepted external money as well). Much quicker than McGovern–and perhaps with a little help from McGovern, who founded an organization designed to combat national conservative PAC money right after his 1980 defeat–Daschle struck back against those people attacking him on “conservatives'” behalf, running on his record of defending South Dakota’s interests as their lone representative in the House. It proved much harder for Abdnor to pin on Daschle lines like he’d pinned on McGovern’s inability to get a pheasant hunting license: “It proves he’s not in South Dakota very much.”

Daschle’s Populism: Abdnor’s campaign could not get anything to stick to Daschle in the lead-up to the 1986 Senate elections. Missed a vote because he was fundraising in Miami? Didn’t stick. Slippery on the abortion issue? Daschle noted his personal opposition to abortion and talked his way around his own votes. No, what stuck with Abdnor was the Farm Bill vote in 1985, and Daschle made sure he was constantly touring South Dakota, especially the counties around Rapid City and the northeastern quadrant of the state, highlighting the plight of the family farmer.

Perhaps most significant was a February 1985 tour of the state Daschle took, essentially a pre-campaign campaign as Congress was preparing to vote on a Daschle-sponsored bill which would have provided farmers nearly $2 billion in loan guarantees, another $100 million in interest rate subsidies, and commodity price support up front (before the harvest). He visited towns like Parkston and Lake Preston, allowing farmers to vent and be heard. All the while, he made sure to point to the intractability of the Reagan Administration’s farm policy. Reagan’s veto of the bill (which he deemed a “bailout”) and the continuation of debt-restructuring policy under Ag Secretary John Block marked a clear distinction: Daschle and the farmer vs. Reagan and Abdnor. Daschle then got a whole year and a half to hammer that point home.

The Farm Alliance Rally, and South Dakota goes to Washington: I had read a lot about the South Dakota Farm Alliance Rally, held at Pierre’s Riggs High School and followed by a march to the State Capitol on Tuesday, February 12, 1985. Buses of angry farmers from all over the state descended on Pierre, where they listened to around 20 speakers[1] who bemoaned the Farm Crisis, challenged the South Dakota Legislature and Congressional delegation to take action, and viciously attacked Secretary of Agriculture John Block, Director of the Office of Management and Budget David Stockman, and the credit policies of the Farmers Home Administration (FmHA). This rally spurred the South Dakota Legislature and Governor Bill Janklow to pass a bill sending the entire legislature to Washington, D.C. to meet with congressmen and, hopefully, President Reagan.

A few things things I learned: Before the rally, a Watertown farmer, Ron Hetland, had gone on Watertown’s KWAT radio station and suggested a “Give a Buck” project in which South Dakotans of all stripes would donate $1 to defraying the legislators’ travel costs. The project took off, and eventually even Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill was writing a $1 check to the cause![2]

It hadn’t occurred to me until I actually visited Pierre: 6,000 people descending on this city would be madness. Pierre, then a city with just over 12,000 residents, would have been flooded by citizens taking to the streets in favor of immediate legislative action. If I had been skeptical in the past, visiting here certainly convinced me of the event’s magnitude. Someday someone will write an article on the social-political history of South Dakota, February 1985, and I will read the heck out of it. There have to be oral histories galore just waiting to be collected.

The 1986 Election, Primary and General: Jim Abdnor tried to run one wicked gauntlet amid a terrible economic crisis and mounting frustration with the Reagan Administration. He was challenged in the primary by term-limited Governor “Wild Bill” Janklow, then met popular Democrat-in-a-Red-State Rep. Tom Daschle in the general election.

The primary was a knock-down, drag-out affair, but Abdnor’s experience won the day over Wild Bill’s typical shoot-from-the-hip style. The Abdnor campaign targeted Janklow for, among things, helping force the resignation of the South Dakota State University dean (if not orchestrating it himself), suddenly lavishing spending on projects like parks on constituents, and generally lacking the temperament to represent the state in Washington. One notable criticism was how he handled budgets: in internal memos Abdnor’s staffers would note to one another that while Janklow could effectively snap his fingers and cut 5% from the state budget, in Congress he would have to negotiate that cut with fellow legislators–not an easy task. Incumbency reigned; Abdnor dispatched Janklow by a 54-45 margin, with his biggest wins coming in West River counties.

Abdnor’s showing in the general election surprised pundits, only losing by about 3%. His attempts–and the attempts of outside PAC money, which both sides used liberally–to stick the “pro-choice” label to Daschle generally failed to gain major traction, though, as agricultural concerns won the day. Abdnor could not explain away his vote in favor of the Farm Bill of 1985, and his close ties to the Reagan Administration hurt him at the polls in November.

The City

Lodging

Farm Island Recreational Area: Minus an early Tuesday rainstorm blowing half my tent over on me (it’s more fun re-pitching a tent at 5am in driving rain anyways, right?), what a great place to camp. I was virtually alone–save for one family and one enterprising raccoon–in the East section of the campground, meaning I could stretch out, relax, and enjoy the peace and quiet:

Sightseeing

Since the archive was open only from 9am-4:30pm every day, I had adequate time to get out and explore Pierre, in addition to a little R&R&R (rest and relaxation and reading, the graduate student’s curse) at the campsite. If you like being outdoors, Pierre is a great city to do that in.

Lewis & Clark Trail: I was able to take a couple 10-mile rides down the Lewis and Clark Trail to the bridge connecting Pierre with Fort Pierre and back to Farm Island. I feel like I got the full Pierre experience in that short time: biking not 150 yards from a gun range (which I thought was fireworks, stupidly), past scenic views of the Missouri River, and eventually right by a Little League game where the right fielder was separated from the Missouri by the fence, about 10 feet of bike path, and maybe another 20 feet of grass before the river! That’s a heck of a view.

For the novelty, I also biked over the bridge to Fort Pierre, going back in time (they’re on Mountain Time) before losing an hour and heading back to the campsite. Despite spending only 10 minutes in the past, I still felt like something was taken away from me.

The Exchange: I needed a place to do some writing during the mornings (especially after I woke up with half my tent on my head on Tuesday morning), and it turns out a new coffeeshop just opened up in Pierre. This has apparently been quite the novelty for residents of Pierre (Pierrans? Pierrites? I forgot to ask), as it’s the first of its kind–as far as I could gather–in the city.

The Capitol (and Grounds): A friend from Marquette and a Pierre native, Eric Titze, had regaled me with stories of stopping in the Capitol on his training runs while a member of the track team at Riggs High School, and I could see why. The South Dakota Capitol Building is incredibly accessible–public parking spots line the curbs not 20 yards from any door. The building itself struck me as similar to other capitol buildings–cupola, wood paneling, roll-top desks–but with a very open, forthright charm.


The Beer

Putting it lightly, Pierre is a beer desert. If you’re visiting here and looking to pick up some craft beer, you’ll be able to find about 7-10 major craft beer companies (I do not count Sam Adams or Blue Moon in this group): Crow Peak (Spearfish, SD); Summit (MN); Surly (MN); Boulevard (KS), but just their Unfiltered Wheat; Tallgrass (KS); Black Tooth (WY); and Deschutes (OR) come to memory. And that’s…that’s about it. No store (save for Lynn’s DakotaMart) I visited had a selection wider than about 6, and therein it was usually just 1-2 varieties of each beer. So if you’re picky or really have your heart set on drinking something quasi-exotic (and I’m just talking about a gose–forget finding that imperial coffee stout brewed with vanilla beans), bring it from outside.

There was, however, a bright spot! On Wednesday, with the weather looking ominous, I headed up to North Ridge Mall and checked out Bill of Rights Brewery. Brian, the owner and brewer, was tending bar and offered up his thoughts on brewing and distributing in South Dakota, as well as a flight of his four offerings.

We’ll do the fun stuff first: He’s brewed four solid ales (no lagers right now, he says) that each bring something different to the table. The IPA was a pretty standard, very bitter offering, nothing that I’d be back for but a fine-drinking beer. Fans of ginger will definitely enjoy the Lady Liberty ale, a ginger-spiced ale that’s easy-drinking at just 4.8%. (I’m not wild on ginger, but the ale itself was quality and worth a look if that’s your thing.)

Brian offered that the Bear Arms Brown Ale (in addition to having a great name, I thought) was easily the most popular of his four beers, and I could see why. It had a nice chocolatey profile, but also a toasty nuttiness that complimented it. I don’t know of too many Midwestern microbreweries that count a brown among their flagships, and this one was worth it.

My favorite, though, was the 1st Amendment ale, brewed with local Black Hills honey and basil. Despite being 6%, it was a crisp, drinkable ale with a really intense flavor profile. The sweetness of the honey on first taste gave way to a spicy basil finish, reminding me of exactly what I love about Great Lakes Distillery (MKE) and their Rehorst Gin. I hope Brian enjoys a ton of success–not just because of the beer, but because he was wonderful conversation for the 30 minutes I spent at the bar alone, talkative after a day in the archives–and is able to can these beers soon.

…that appears to be tough in South Dakota, though, until legislation governing the distribution and sale of beer changes. Brian relayed his frustration that he could not even “walk across the street and sell a barrel to that restaurant” because in South Dakota he is required to sell his beer through a distributor. Apparently, even at a local tasting event he was not allowed or supposed to pour his own beer because he is the proprietor of the brewery but not at the brewery itself. Hopefully he’s able to use his standing in Pierre to lobby the legislature, because with the explosion of Brewer’s Row in Sioux Falls and good beer popping up all over the state, some of us across state lines would enjoy a can or two of South Dakota craft beer!

What’s Next?

Next (this!) week I’ll be based out of Saint Paul, perhaps making a day trip to UW-Eau Claire, UW-Stout, or Saint Cloud State University to check up on some of the Democratic losers from the 1980s, all before I turn my attention back to the Minnesota Historical Society archives and the tensions from the left and center which had not been fully resolved from the Minnesota Massacre of 1978.

[1] No, really! A Woonsocket News article from 2/7/85 lists them as “Pierre Mayor Grace Petersen, South Dakota Rural Electric Association President Maurice Bergh, South Dakota Retailers Association Executive Director Dean Randall, South Dakota Education Association President Dianna Miller, Catholic Rural Life Conference Director Father Leonard Kayser, South Dakota Federation of Labor AFL-CIO President Jack Dudley, South Dakota Chamber of Commerce Executive Director Dave McNeil, Mitchell Schools Superintendent Dennis Peterson, South Dakota Farm Borrowers Association President Bill Bullard, and South Dakota State University President Dr. Ray Hoops.” After them, Gov. Janklow, Sens. Abdnor and Pressler, and Rep. Daschle all spoke, as did Democratic leaders Roger McKellips and Lars Herseth. National Farm Organization President Ken Eckmann provided closing remarks.

[2] Editorial, “This trip to Washington,” Watertown Public Opinion, 7 February 1985, p. 4.

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Introducing: Barnstorming the Midwest

At the urging of my wonderful colleague and deskmate, Marquette MA graduate and MA Student of the Year Emily Dattilo, I am going to do my best this summer to keep something of a travelblog(ue?) as I barnstorm (get it) the Midwest filling out the first legs of my research for my dissertation-in-progress, “Midwestern Liberalism in the Age of Reagan, 1978-1992.” Here are what I think are quick-and-dirty FAQs on this research/blogging project:

Why are you blogging and not focusing on writing your dissertation?
That’s a very good question (did Fr. Avella put you up to this). I am working on, in the words of my incomparable first adviser, Dr. Tom Jablonsky, writing a few pages every day that I can put toward my dissertation. Those are in the form of notes in my Notepad collection, but this helps me organize my thoughts as I’d say them to both academic and general audiences.

What is this research?
Mostly it involves going through the papers of elected officials, political parties, and grassroots advocacy groups. Those various figures/organizations donate their papers to local archives, often state or university archives, which usually accession (sort and catalog) them and make them findable and easily navigable for scholars. I’m incredibly indebted to people I’ve already met who have done this, like Ruby Wilson at South Dakota State, Michael Seminara at the University of South Dakota, Katie Jean Davey at the Minnesota Historical Society, and dozens of other archivists around the Upper Midwest.

To actually do the work, I sit down, pull out my trusty Google Nexus 6 (hi, Google! I’d love a sponsorship!), connect to the wifi, open up Google Drive, and scan pictures. It’s like taking a picture, but it’s a PDF and I can crop/edit the PDF before saving it in the location of my choosing.

How are you funding these trips?
I was incredibly fortunate to receive two generous research fellowships: a Legacy Fellowship from the Minnesota Historical Society, and a fellowship from the Wisconsin Chapter of the National Society of the Colonial Dames of America. Those are both on projects specific to, respectively, DFL politics (especially around Rudy Perpich) in 1980s Minnesota, and female candidates’ experiences running for election in Minnesota (Joan Growe for US Senate, 1984), Wisconsin (Vel Phillips for Secretary of State, 1978), and Iowa (Roxanne Conlin for governor, 1982). The funding I receive there allows me to concentrate almost exclusively on those three states but also to work from time to time off my savings in the Dakotas as well.

What cities do you plan to visit?
Looking at my current schedule, this summer I will travel for research to (in chronological order) Pierre, Madison, Ames, Bloomington (IN), Iowa City, Grand Rapids (MI), Iowa City, Milwaukee, Madison, Iowa City, Ames, St. Paul, more St. Paul, some more St. Paul, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Brookings, St. Paul, Grand Forks, Winnipeg [OK, so this one’s for a CFL game], Bismarck, Stevens Point, Green Bay, St. Paul again.

And then you’re done with the dissertation research?
Oh no, just through the first round of figuring out what’s out there, what I can readily get and digest, and where I’ll need to visit and revisit as I hurtle toward finishing my dissertation by my target of December 2019. I do, however, tentatively spend this spring as a Teaching Fellow at Marquette University, teaching two survey courses of HIST 1101: Intro to American History. I’ll also–thanks to a generous travel reimbursement from the Marquette Department of History–be heading this fall to Atlanta, Boulder, and Boston for the papers of Democratic president Jimmy Carter, Democratic hopeful Gary Hart, and Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis.

So what will you blog about?
Two things. First, I want to explain what papers I’m looking through, what I’m looking for, and what I find. I’m not sure about ownership and publishing for non-dissertation purposes, so I will talk (to quote Michael Scott) in general specifics for much of it, but I want to at least begin framing out the house that will eventually be my dissertation.

Second, I hope to explore the culture and scenery of each city. You know what this means: amateur photography and overly-snobbish, ill-informed craft beer reviews. I’ll be camping a little bit, bringing my bike lots of places, and always taking recommendations along the way. Part of being a Midwestern historian-in-training means learning more about the culture of these five (six? we’ll have to talk about this) states, and I’m excited to explore places I’ve been and places I’ve never thought about going: from the Cutover to the Driftless Area, Bismarck to Milwaukee, the Missouri River to Lake Superior.

My plan right now is to break each post up into two sections, one on research and one on culture. Hopefully the former will at least approach the length of the latter!

Didn’t you say you were going to be publishing a lot of maps about party control of state legislatures on your blog too, though?
I’m getting really sick of you, Bold Headings.

Alright, so on the whole, there you have it. I’m barnstorming the Midwest starting this week in Pierre, and I hope to have posts and reviews up within a week of visiting each location! Please always feel free to contact me with travel tips, research questions/ideas, blog topics, and opportunities to meet up and say hi!

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Mapping Party Control of State Legislatures in the Upper Midwest

In preparation for a panel on the Midwest in the 2016 elections for the Midwestern History Association Conference in Grand Rapids this June, I’m working on my particular focus: down-ballot elections. My biggest problem was this–besides saying “things didn’t go well for Democrats,” I had little-to-no idea how to show that (Ted, if you read this, I swear things are going better now).

We talk a lot about the growing rural-urban divide between Republicans and Democrats, but elections within even my lifetime, like 1992 and 2008, demonstrate that a healthy amount of Democratic support came from rural and suburban areas. So where is it now? In order to fully come to terms with the landscape of the Democratic (the focus of my dissertation, thus its emphasis) and Republican parties in 2016, we need to find where they have support at the local levels.

Continue reading “Mapping Party Control of State Legislatures in the Upper Midwest”

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